The Arakan Army has taken up arms to ensure the interests of the Rakhine people and has formed an alternative administrative structure by taking local power under their control. In addition to the armed struggle, it is carrying out various important tasks such as health, administration, education and reconstruction.

After the apparent occupation of Rakhine, the Arakan Army has expressed interest in resolving the current situation politically and therefore, they have kept the door open for talks in accordance with the policy of finding a political solution to political problems. If the Myanmar junta does not resolve this crisis politically, the situation is likely to become more complicated. If it tries to deal with this situation militarily, there is a risk of further destruction and humanitarian disaster in Rakhine. As a result, the security of the Bangladesh-Myanmar border will be disrupted. If the situation in Rakhine deteriorates, new Rohingya infiltration and a humanitarian crisis in Rakhine may arise.

Rakhine State is very important in geostrategic and economic terms. The Myanmar junta is currently planning a massive naval and land offensive in coastal areas to retake Rakhine State from the Arakan Army, including deploying warships, massing troops on the ground, and launching airstrikes. If the junta does not resolve the crisis politically, it could escalate into a full-scale, protracted conflict, resulting in significant casualties and humanitarian crises. The Myanmar Air Force received six Su-30 SME fighter jets, an upgraded version of the Sukhoi Su-300, from Russia on January 10. The Myanmar junta is preparing to bolster its air capabilities to counter the insurgents. The junta has also changed its tactics and is using drones and jammers, built with the help of China and Russia, to attack the insurgents. The Myanmar junta could use these fighter jets to weaken the Arakan Army, and could also launch drone strikes to destroy Arakan Army camps. If these are used against the Arakan Army in Rakhine, the intensity of the conflict will increase and it will turn into a long-term war. If the war starts in Rakhine, Bangladesh will face several problems. If the Myanmar army cannot survive the attack, the Arakan Army members may also enter Bangladesh. Before this, the members of the Myanmar Border Guard Force had not survived the attack of the Arakan Army and fled to Bangladesh. They were sent back to Myanmar through diplomatic negotiations. If the Arakan Army members enter Bangladesh due to the Myanmar Army's counterattack, it will create complications in sending them back. If the attack intensifies, there is a possibility of new Rohingya infiltration. Considering the situation in the coming days, Bangladesh must prepare now. For this, Bangladesh must be ready to deploy the BGB, Coast Guard and army to ensure strict security on the Myanmar border. It must maintain diplomatic contact with the Myanmar government so that Bangladesh is not affected by the internal conflict in Myanmar.

In addition, discussions should be initiated with international organizations including the Red Cross so that they can take appropriate measures in Rakhine considering the situation. Bangladesh is also under security and other pressures due to the ongoing crisis in Myanmar. In addition to the citizenship and acceptance of the Rohingya, how Bangladesh can establish relations with the Arakan Army has become important. There are allegations that the Arakan Army has been extorting and looting in the Rohingya areas during the ongoing Operation 1027. The military junta has used some Rohingyas against the Arakan Army with military training and weapons. This has had and will continue to have an impact on the development of Rohingya-Rakhine relations. If we are to find a complete solution to the issue of Rohingya citizenship, Bangladesh will also have to maintain relations with the Arakan Army. The Arakan Army is now the dominant force in important issues such as Bangladesh-Myanmar border security, preventing the infiltration of terrorist groups and drug smuggling. The Arakan Army has not yet officially stated its position on the repatriation of the Rohingya. They are clearly saying that this is a political issue, not a military one. They will decide on this issue only after establishing full control in Rakhine. However, armed Rohingya groups supporting the Myanmar army will be identified and eliminated or brought to justice. The Rohingya must also be united on the issue of Rohingya repatriation. The Rohingya inside Bangladesh are divided into various opinions and groups. The Arakan Army is campaigning strongly in the media that the Rohingya are fighting the Myanmar army against them. On the contrary, there is no campaign about why this is happening. This may create problems for the Rohingya to return to Rakhine. On January 16, the High Representative of the Principal Advisor on the Rohingya Issue and Priority Issues, Dr. Khalilur Rahman, visited the Rohingya camp. During his exchange of views with the Rohingya there, he advised them to stay united. Rohingya are still infiltrating Bangladesh from Myanmar and about 60,000 Rohingya have entered Bangladesh in the last one and a half to two years. The Myanmar government is preparing for national elections in Myanmar in 2025 and a census has been started in Myanmar to update the voter list for this election. According to analysts, the 2025 elections are a strategy for the military rulers to retain power. No. ASEAN told the Myanmar junta government on January 19 that it was urgent to restore peace in the country before holding elections amid the ongoing civil war and that planning for elections should not be a priority in the current situation. If elections are held in Rakhine, the Arakan Army will win and establish their rule.

Bangladesh sent a message of congratulations to the junta government as part of its regular diplomatic practice on January 4, 2025, Myanmar's 77th Independence Day. Although Bangladesh maintains good relations with the junta government, it has not yet established contact with the NUG or the Arakan Army. The repatriation of the Rohingya and the Rohingya crisis cannot be resolved without the Arakan Army. Although neighboring China, India and Thailand have not greeted the junta this time, these countries are in contact with the rebel groups in Myanmar to protect their interests. Currently, the Arakan Army is trying to establish diplomatic relations with various countries in addition to protecting foreign investments, businesses and projects in the Rakhine region. The Arakan Army is ready to resolve the ongoing conflict in Myanmar's Rakhine State through political means instead of military action. The Arakan Army said that it will provide the best protection and cooperation to China, India and other foreign investors in the areas under its control. They welcome all foreign investments that help in the development and progress of the Rakhine region. The Arakan Army offered relations with the Bangladesh government in 2022, but Bangladesh could not take advantage of that opportunity. At that time, the Arakan Army contacted Bangladesh and expressed a positive attitude towards the return of the Rohingya to Rakhine. Arakan Army Chief General Toai Mra Naing said that the Arakan Army is ready for any kind of cooperation in the repatriation of the Rohingya. For various reasons, Bangladesh has lagged behind in securing its own interests and is suffering due to not establishing contact and relations with the National Unity Government and the Arakan Army. In the current situation, we need to correct these mistakes and move forward. India and China have met with the Arakan Army delegation to protect their interests. It is not known that Bangladesh has taken any such initiative so far. Bangladesh needs to establish such contact with the Arakan Army. Apart from diplomatic channels, different countries make such contact in various ways for their needs. Bangladesh also needs to establish quick contact with the Arakan Army to protect its own interests and at the same time keep the relationship with the junta going. Keeping in mind the security and national interests of Bangladesh, they need to be implemented through discussions with the Myanmar junta and the Arakan Army. Bangladesh needs to quickly assess the Rakhine situation in the changing context and take a united decision on formulating new policies.

Brig. G. Hasan Md. Shamsuddin, NDC, AFWC, PSC, M.Phil (rtd.), researcher on Myanmar and Rohingya issues.

Southeast Asia is a tropical region located at the junction of the Indian Ocean and the Pacific Ocean. The countries in this region are particularly rich due to the cultural influence of India and China as well as religious and social diversity. For example, Indonesia is influenced by Muslim culture, while other countries are mixed with Hindu, Buddhist and Christian cultures.

After World War II, the countries of South and Southeast Asia gained independence after ending colonial rule. After independence, the development of these regions attracted the attention of the world. Through the rise of nationalism, the development of young leadership, and socio-economic changes, these countries moved forward to form new states. However, even after independence, the countries of South and Southeast Asia have faced various challenges in their development trajectory. The obstacles observed in the development process of South and Southeast Asia are politically, socially, and economically complex.

Due to political instability, chaos and anarchy, establishing good governance in the countries of South Asia has become difficult. Lack of democracy and authoritarian rule are major obstacles to development. Due to the tribal, ethnic, and linguistic diversity among the people of this region, it is difficult to create unity. This becomes a major obstacle to establishing national unity. In addition, ensuring effective participation of the people in the political system is a major challenge.

Lack of active role of the people in practicing democracy and establishing good governance hinders development. Lack of good relations between the government, political parties, and citizens creates a crisis of cohesion in the development process. Interest-based groups and corruption exacerbate this crisis. The lack of proper distribution of government resources and services has created social imbalance in the countries of South and Southeast Asia. The lack of honest and efficient administration has perpetuated this problem.

Differences in religion and language in many cases create social instability and cultural divisions. This hinders economic and social development. As a result, effective strategies need to be adopted to address the development challenges of South and Southeast Asia. Sustainable development is possible in these regions if some specific steps are taken. One of which is the establishment of good governance and for this, good governance is essential to ensure democracy and transparency. Political reforms are needed to increase people's trust in the governance system.

Active participation of the people in development programs must be ensured. For this, education must be expanded and awareness must be raised. In addition, religious and linguistic diversity must be used as a supporting force for development because through this, it is possible to increase national unity and solidarity. In addition to ensuring social justice for overall development, local and international cooperation is required.

Where cooperation with international organizations, along with government and private initiatives, can accelerate the pace of development. After all, the countries of South and Southeast Asia have faced many challenges in the development process since independence. However, these challenges can be overcome by ensuring good governance, national unity, and public participation. Sustainable development can be ensured in this region through a combination of government and private initiatives.

Author: Head of Department, Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Asian University of Bangladesh (AUB).

Email: [email protected]

I suddenly got the news that our beloved teacher Professor Anisur Rahman had left this world at an advanced age. For the last ten to fifteen years, he had vowed that he would remain anonymous. He would not come to the public space again. I heard this from his mouth ten years ago from today.

I truly believed in Sir's self-confidence that we would never see him in public again. In reality, that is what happened. Akash and Dr. Kazi Khalikuzzaman Ahmed went to his Segunbagicha flat one evening. I went to convince Sir to accept the Bangladesh Bank Award. In the meantime, we were able to give the Bangladesh Bank Award to Professor Nurul Islam, Rehman Sobhan and Mosharraf Hossain Sir.

Among the four famous professors, Anis Sir could not be given this award. I told Akash that let's try together to see if we can convince him. I also requested Khalik Bhai to come to Sir's house that evening. I finished my office from Motijheel and reached Sir's house in the evening. A very simple house. Not even a working person.

I was afraid to ask Sir to accept the award. Sir said, “You know I like you very much. But I cannot accept this award. I do not want to go in public anymore.” After that, he showed me two books and said that I am busy with this. The two books were about how to prepare for death. After that, all three of us left without saying anything else, inspiring Sir to continue living his life as he did.

After that, I did not have the courage to meet Sir again. I must have felt bad not being able to give the award to Sir. The sadness of not being able to add one of the four star economists to the list remains even today. However, that year, I was able to jointly give the award to Professor Muzaffar Ahmed (posthumously) and Dr. Swadesh Bose, so the sadness decreased a little. After that, I left Bangladesh Bank. That was how our Anis Sir was. He was unparalleled in philosophical knowledge as well as a pioneer in providing life-oriented education.

I got Sir as a microeconomics teacher in the seventies. He taught us limits and derivatives for about a month. He used to say that if you understand these two concepts, you will not have any difficulty in understanding modern economics. Before that, he established the Department of Economics at the University of Islamabad and served as the mentor of many famous economists in their early years.

He started teaching at Dhaka University. He wrote the shortest PhD thesis (probably 65 pages) from Harvard within three years and returned to the country. But due to a lack of rapport with the then Vice Chancellor Ayub-Monayem close, he left his job and went to the East-West Center in Honolulu. He returned to Dhaka University via Islamabad.

The Vice Chancellor at that time was Justice Abu Sayeed Chowdhury. Earlier, when he was at Dhaka University, East Pakistan was a victim of great discrimination. So Professor Nurul Islam, Rehman Sobhan, Mazharul Haque, Dr. Sadeq and Dr. Habibur Rahman he was very active in analyzing the foundations of the two economies with his colleagues. His PhD thesis was also on the economics of inequality.

As economists on the panel formed to prepare the Fourth Five-Year Plan document in Pakistan, they created such a fuss that they had to submit their reports separately in the end. There was no consensus with the West Pakistani economists. The entire politicians, student community and intellectual community of East Pakistan were so excited by their ideas that in the end almost everyone responded to Sheikh Mujib's six-point appeal.

The minds of Bengalis began to be absorbed in the thought of their homeland separately. So when Operation Searchlight began on March 25, Anis Sir was attacked. He crawled out of the campus and crossed the valley of death. With the help of Moidul Hasan and Mukhlesur Rahman Sidhu Bhai, he and Rehman Sobhan somehow crossed the border and reached Agartala.

Some people raised questions on the way, saying they were non-Bengali, but with the intervention of Dhaka University students, they were able to cross over with their lives. From Agartala to Delhi to Professor Amartya Sen's house. Through him, they met another economist, Ashok Mitra. He was in the government at the time. Through him, they spoke to Prime Minister Indira Gandhi's Principal Secretary, PN Haksar. After talking to these two famous economists of Bangladesh, Indira Gandhi had a meeting with Tajuddin and M Amirul Islam. And thus began the Mujibnagar government.

On April 17, 1971, the essence of our declaration of independence was declared. After that, our Anis Sir and Rehman Sir went to the United States as special envoys of the Mujibnagar government. There, they, Professor Nurul Islam and other expatriate intellectuals and economists, created public opinion in favor of Bangladesh in Congress and Senate. As part of that, they were able to stop the World Bank's financial aid to Pakistan.

After the liberation war, they joined the Planning Commission of independent Bangladesh. There, Anis Sir also spoke in favor of the government's cost-saving programs, land reforms, and various works of building the country through voluntary labor to establish socialism. At one point, he returned to Dhaka University and started working as the chairman of the economics department. At this time, he tried to implement the work that he could not do while in the government with his students. He started working with his students in the village of Jirabo in Ashulia, near Dhaka, to cultivate rice as a volunteer. To deal with the famine he took the initiative to distribute relief in the village of Brahmanbaria in a model manner with students. He introduced us to the humanitarian initiatives that Nur Mohammad Mondal had taken around education and development through a cooperative program in Kunjipukur village of Rangpur.

He has been struggling all his life to see how it is possible to improve the common people by standing next to the people and participating in them. Under the ILO's participatory planning program, he took various initiatives in various countries in Asia and Africa. He inspected the desired land reforms in India through the 'Land Army' program. In the light of that experience, he also played a role in the formation of the Research Initiative in Bangladesh or RIB. He also sat in on our meetings.

He sincerely supported the participatory research through which we were trying to give an alternative human definition of poverty. He also wrote an article on our work in the holiday. At that time, he asked me to think about the environment and nature with all my heart. Fritz Capra's two books gave us a new perspective on the environment (Fritz Capra is an Austrian-born American writer, physicist, systems theorist, and deep environmentalist. One of his books is 'The Web of Life: A New Scientific Understanding of Living Systems', 'Hidden Connections', 'Green Politics'). We have tried to look at nature and the environment from a human perspective. I am very grateful to Sir for giving me this perspective.

At one time, he practiced mainstream economics. He used to write about capitalism, inequality, and technology preferences in the world's best economics journals. But gradually he gave up traditional economics. Rabindranath's songs and rural development ideas started attracting him more. He practiced Rabindra Sangeet with great attention, just like him.

In the mid-eighties, I went to Silaidah in Kushtia for the Rabindra Sangeet Sammilan Parishad conference. Sir also went. I read a long article titled Rabindranath Tagore's Rural Development Philosophy. Sir listened very attentively. Sir preferred to listen more. He did not want to talk. Later, however, he asked me to continue working on Rabindranath Tagore's development philosophy.

I tried, sir...you have left the light and air of this world. Who else will encourage us in these creative works?

However, he has sown many seeds of his creative thoughts in various writings. He was truly a multi-dimensional genius. Who can be called a Renaissance personality. A little stubborn. A rebel. But a humanist in his heart and soul. He was born with a silver spoon in his mouth. But he remained dedicated to the welfare of the underprivileged throughout his life.

He wrote not only in theory but also in practice how to work for the betterment of this backward community. Just by mentioning the names of some of the books he wrote, it is understood that he thought deeply about the marginalized. We can see the reflection of all those thoughts in the books he wrote.

For example, he has left behind for the development of our mental world - 'Development Enquiry', 'Abducted Bangladesh', 'People's Self Development', 'The Infinite Pulse - Rabindra Sangeet Understanding and Pursuit', 'The Fire That Lit - Spontaneous Expression of the Spirit of the Liberation War', 'Songs of Tagore, Philosophy, Selected Translations, Paintings', 'Participation of the Rural Poor in Development', 'My Story of 1971', 'Ekushey and Independence: The Economy and Social Reality of Bangladesh', 'What I Found on the Way-1', 'What I Found on the Way-2', 'The Lost Moment: Dreams with a Nation Born Through Fire' etc. These books are not only valuable for students of sociology and economics and Rabindra devotees. These books will touch the hearts of any reader. I don't know how much it will be possible for the young generation who are immersed in social media to find these books. But our Anis Sir will live on in these books.

I was very lucky that he and Mirza Nurul Huda Sir interviewed me in the seventies for admission to the Economics Department. Since I was among the top ten in the SSC and HSC examinations in the Science Department of Dhaka Board, Huda Sir asked me why I was trying to come to Economics instead of Physics or Chemistry. I was young. Still, I said that I hope to do well in Economics because it has a scientific basis.

Anis Sir was smiling. In the end, I studied Economics with them all my life. Anis Sir used to tell me to look at Economics and Development from a humanitarian perspective. I don't know how much I have been able to fulfill his expectations. However, I have tried my best to make development a friend to the marginalized through the eyes of Rabindranath Tagore all my life. The huge void that Anis Sir's departure has created in my mind cannot be filled immediately. May his soul rest in peace, I pray to God.

Author: Emeritus Professor, Dhaka University and former Governor, Bangladesh Bank 

There has never been a female president in the 248-year history of the United States. However, several women have run for president. In 2016, Hillary Clinton ran for the Democratic Party's presidential nomination, but she lost to Donald Trump. This year, in the November 5, 2024 election, Kamala Harris lost to President Donald Trump as the Democratic Party's candidate. Out of the 538 seats in the Electoral College, Kamala Harris won 223 votes and Donald Trump won 279. Donald Trump has the good fortune of becoming president for a second time.

According to the custom of that country, he will be sworn in as the 47th US president in January. Congratulations to him in advance.

Before this vote, Kamala Harris was ahead in various polls. Kamala Harris is serving as the Vice President of the United States, and she is the first woman, the first black person, and the first person of Asian descent to run for this position. Kamala Harris's vice presidency and the election of many women to the Senate and Congress suggested that the American public was interested in female leadership. But her experience and poll results have been distorted by Donald Trump's victory.

It is not yet time to analyze the reasons for Kamala Harris' defeat in the election. However, some things can be said now. Harris is a woman and the first black South Asian American vice president. Some voters in the country are still more comfortable with white male leadership. This cultural bias may have influenced her campaign. While Kamala Harris' political experience seems sufficient to many, she is relatively new. Many voters have already raised various questions about her national and international leadership experience.

In addition, some of her policy positions and statements have caused confusion among voters. For example, there are differences of opinion within the Democratic Party regarding her positions on immigration, health care, and crime. This policy position has made her somewhat controversial to a section of voters. US politics is currently deeply divided, and many Republicans or moderate voters may not have supported her as the Democratic nominee.

In addition, there are several ideological divisions within the Democratic Party, which may have been an obstacle to her support. Harris has been the subject of negative media coverage at various times. Her personality, statements, and decisions have often been exaggerated, which may have damaged her image. Many believe that her popularity has been limited in various states of the United States, especially in rural areas. There are some significant challenges to the election of a woman as president in the United States. These challenges come from cultural, political, and social perspectives and affect the candidates' campaigns and the attitudes of voters. In Kamala's case, they may have had an impact. Some people still believe that women would not be able to handle the challenging responsibilities of the presidency while balancing family and personal lives.

The long dominance of male candidates in the US presidential race has led to some skepticism about the political competence of women. Many voters questioned the political and diplomatic capabilities of female candidates. Especially some immigrant voters from Africa and the subcontinent. In some parts of the United States itself, religious and cultural traditions still bias women's political power. Voters in these regions may be averse to female leadership, which may act as a major obstacle in the election. As a result, the survey results have been reversed in those regions. This seems to be largely responsible for Kamala's lagging behind, especially in swing states.

In addition, the United States has never had a female president elected, so becoming the first female president will be seen as a big change. Many voters may find this change contrary to tradition and may hesitate to accept this innovation. However, in recent years, women have reached the highest levels of US politics and are constantly removing these obstacles. As a result, it is expected that such obstacles will decrease for female candidates in the future, and the possibility of a positive change is created. On the other hand, how Trump won the hearts of immigrants despite talking about stopping immigrants is a big concern at the moment.

Donald Trump won the 2016 presidential election largely on the promise of a tough immigration policy, which played a major role in his victory. He campaigned on promises to build a wall on the southern border of the United States with Mexico and to stop illegal immigration. These promises appealed to concerns about security, the economy, and job security in some parts of the United States. As a result, a tough stance on immigration control became popular with many of his supporters and is likely to have helped him win the election on November 5, 2024.

Although he has taken some steps as president to build a wall on the border and implement a tough immigration policy, these initiatives have been met with much controversy and     She was also a hindrance. Yet her strategy kept her in the spotlight during the campaign and played a significant role in her victory that year, and it may well have done so again. President Donald Trump, like in the 2016 election, promised in the November 5, 2024 election that he would not start new wars and would try to end ongoing ones. During his presidency, he has partially fulfilled this promise. He has taken steps to withdraw U.S. troops from several war zones, such as Afghanistan and Syria, and to reduce the military presence in the Middle East. In addition, tensions with Iran and North Korea have increased during Trump's first term, although they have not escalated into full-scale war.

Many American voters support female leadership, but there are still some psychological and cultural barriers to electing a woman president. Although support for women has been growing in recent years. The United States has a long history of electing only men to the presidency. This departure from this tradition is a major change for many voters, and some voters believe that men are traditionally suited to leadership roles.

In addition, Donald Trump has used inflation, unemployment, illegal immigration, and the cost of the war in Ukraine and the Middle East during President Biden's election campaign to motivate voters by using it negatively. Kamala Harris has tried to win the hearts of voters by smiling at every public meeting - something that Russian President Putin also mentioned in one of his speeches.

But nowadays, voters in any country do not want to forget just a smile on their face. They want to ensure sustainable economic, social, and human welfare for everyone. There is a section of some Americans who think that women are too emotional and incapable of dealing with war or critical situations. Although this idea is largely wrong. Still, it can repeatedly become an obstacle in the way of American women rising to the presidency. In this view, many analysts believe that female leadership in the US presidency may remain elusive for many more years to come.

The author is a Professor in the Department of Social Work and former Dean of the Faculty of Social Sciences, Rajshahi University. E-mail: [email protected]